Opening Remark

Recently I had a conversation with a good friend, in which I expressed my opinion that all academic pursuits are basically fraud. He disagreed by saying 'autheticity is my middle name'. This prompted me to question myself what would be mine, and I find no more suitable word than Cynicism. Hence, from today on, my name is Peidong C. Young, C for Cynicism. 9/7/10







Wednesday, 20 March 2013

An Anthropology of the Shallow and Boring - musings from the fieldnotes



[I rediscovered this entry dated on 2nd Oct 2011 while revisiting my fieldnotes recently. I find the condescending tones here amusing, which perhaps reflect the frustration that I was experiencing in fieldwork then. Since this is unlikely to get to anywhere else, I thought I’d just share it for people’s amusement. It’s obvious that I felt a bit smug about coming up with this metaphor at that time; but now I realize it was probably a metaphor of Geertz's surfacing from my subconscious.]

 
    The work of an anthropologist is like observing a Monopoly card game or 三国杀, not knowing the rules and trying to figure out them. All the players in the game know the rules by their heart, though perhaps to varying degrees of skillfulness. The small booklet explaining the rules of the game that comes with the set has now been misplaced, and the puzzled anthropologist looks at how players deal the cards and move on the game. They are enjoying themselves, thinking, strategizing, plotting against each other, and carrying out actions. They laugh and banter among themselves; but the observer feels lost. The rules can be fairly complicated, and on the cards are strange and colorful symbols which are part of the rules; and sometimes the function of a card is written on the card itself. But the anthropologist, observing the game over people’s shoulders and being distracted by players’ exclamations and bantering, cannot see clearly what’s written on the cards. His task is to figure out, as far as possible, the rules that govern the players’ actions.
    Intellectually, the game is shallow and boring; and the anthropologist feels this by instinct. But until he has figured out the rules, he is actually the most vulnerable and stupid among them all. The anthropologist knows that the players are also boring and shallow: their laughter, their banters…all quite trifle; but even for the boring and shallow, some rules govern their actions; and until the anthropologist uncovers those rules—they may not be stable but rather dynamic rules that are re-/constructed on the go—he cannot dismiss them. He has to produce an account adequate enough to explain the players’ behaviors; he is an anthropologist of the shallow and boring, but his understanding is neither shallow nor boring.


Monday, 4 February 2013

从对“纯粹”的追求说起: 听牛津中国学联“思享之周”讲座系列的一点杂感

 
        加藤嘉一先生在他的“走出教育”演讲中指出他认为的中国高等教育的一个主要问题:即行政化、官本位、“老师不像老师”、“学生不像学生”、“都去争当官了不搞学术了”云云。
        笔者虽不曾在中国高等院校学习工作,但也相信这是很到位、恳切地批评。领导南方科技大学教育改革的朱时清院士的最主要目标亦是摆脱行政化的束缚、打造一流的研究型大学。他认为,中国的大学的运作模式还是官方的行政机构,而不是以学术活动为中心的学术机构;改革就是要把行政权力拒之一臂之外,实现“教授治校”,还大学以其本来面目、宗旨。换言之,和加藤先生的论点相同,目的是让学术机构变得更“纯粹”。
        陈有西律师、贺卫方教授关于中国法治的讲座,如果从以上视角解读,其实也可以说是对中国法制体系的更“纯粹化”的诉求。有法不依、执法不力、法律变成实现政治目的工具等等批判其实也就是在批判中国法制体系没有发挥它应有的功能、扮演它应该扮演的角色。法制体系也不“纯粹”。
        诸多这些对“纯粹”的追求都是最积极、最善意的;几位实干家的热忱和身体力行的作风也着实让人钦佩不已。但是,同时,我们若能也从学理的角度把这个“纯粹”分析一番,了解其复杂性与相对性,或许能更加切乎实际地开展将来的理解和实践。
        对于一个社会机构(social institution)例如教育体系、法制体系、高教体系,有某种特定的功能上的期待可以说是社会学人类学中“结构功能主义”(structural functionalism)的一种体现。人们认为教育体系的功能就是教书育人,而高等教育体系的功能还包括搞学术研究,法制体系的功能是裁判社会纠纷、维持社会秩序、彰显社会正义;而这种种不同的社会机构犹如人身体的不同器官,相互配合,相互作用,使得整个社会能够有序地运转下去。社会的有序运转成为最高的、终极的目标,其它下属社会机构发挥各自功能,为这一终极目标服务。(也就是以前说的“每个人都是社会主义大厦上的一颗螺丝钉”。)在这种理解下,不同的社会机构自然有了它的一个“纯粹”的形态——也就是完成它应该完成的任务——而人们对不“纯粹”的形态和做法进行抨击。这个理解其实没有错误,只是略为片面。
        费孝通在他著名的“差序格局”的论述中指出,中国的社会格局“好像把一块石头丢在水面上所发生的一圈圈推出去的波纹。每个人都是他社会影响所推出去的圈子的中心。被圈子的波纹所推及的就发生联系。每个人在某一时间某一地点所动用的圈子是不一定相同的”。这造成了在中国“他”和“己”的范围变得相对化、不固定、能伸能缩的情况。“范围的大小也要依着中心的努力厚薄而定”。费孝通举例说:大家族如《红楼梦》中描述的,“凡是拉得上亲戚的,都包容得下。可是势力一变,树倒猢狲散,缩成一小团。”
        如果我们把这种对社会关系伸缩性的理解方式应用到社会机构上,那么我们可以提出:具体社会机构(例如:教育、高教、法制体系)在作为更大的一个社会的组成部分的同时,它自己也是一个社会;当我们的分析视线聚焦到这个具体的社会机构上时,这个社会机构就成为中心,而它的持续运转就成为最高的、终极的目标;至于它还能不能达到人们和社会赋予它的“纯粹”的功能,已经是次要的了。也就是说,原来我们认为只是一个器官的社会机构,现在,在倍数不同的显微镜下,成为了一个以自我为中心的生态系统,别有洞天。在这个生态系统里,又有各式各样的下属机构,各自发挥功能,目的就是维持这个系统的运转。这个机构的运转就成为了压倒一切的目的,正如前面说的社会的运转被认为是压倒一切的目的。这个生态系统遵循一套自己的行为规则、秩序。所以,譬如“中国的高等教育简直就是乱了套了”、“中国的法制体系简直没有法则”这样的说法就不准确了。不是没有法则,只不过是说这个社会机构现在运行的法则和我们想象的、理想的、“纯粹”的运行方式不一样罢了。大家都知道任何社会机构中都有着一套严密的“潜规则”,世俗上成功的人常常就是精于这一套潜规则。
        当然,这里我决不是为我们认为不好的、道德上让人不能接受的社会“潜规则”作辩护。我的目的只是从学理的角度来说明,任何社会机构都要从它的外部功能(也就是“纯粹”的一面)和它的内部有机性与完整性(也就是它“自成一体”的一面)两个视角来相对地观察、理解。
        那么这个自成一体的运行方式有一些什么特征呢?
        杜维明教授在他的演讲中提到了亚当斯密所推崇的“经济人”(homo economicus)的说法。亚当斯密认为,人从根本上是追求经济利益的动物,只要实行自由主义,让人按照自己利益最大化的目标去行事,便可以达到社会的最繁荣,因为会有一双“看不见的手”来规制人们的行为,使得他们的行为在个人利益最大化的同时也顾及整个社会(即其它的“个人”)的利益。但在强调“经济人”的时候,我们是否忽视了人性的另外重要一面,即所谓的“等级人”(homo hierarchicus)?“等级人”的观点强调,人类社会是必然形成等级秩序、等级关系的;甚至可以进一步说,人其实是有服从等级制度,甚至认同等级制度的倾向的一种动物。
        在通常的“社会角色”/“社会分工”的语境下,我们较能够理解角色间的互补互惠关系;但说到“等级制度”,我们总觉得有不公平、压迫、剥削的意思,但其实两者间没有本质区别:等级制度是角色分工体系的一种狭义的、极端的形态。也就是说,等级关系的背后仍然是利益的双向授受,与社会角色间的利益授受同理。这个关系模式可以理解为一个金字塔结构和一个循环结构的复合体,金字塔代表等级秩序,循环代表利益互动关系。学生要拍导师马屁,可是导师也要成全学生,否则他将来“导”谁呢?学生在年轻阶段要做“廉价劳动力”,给“老板”打工,甚至自己的研究成果要冠导师名;不过等学生熬成了导师,他便也可以再“压榨”自己的学生,享受胜利的果实了。日本职场中的“年功序列”也是一个道理,才出道的做牛做马,熬出头的坐享其成;不过,才出道的有一天也会熬出头的。这种等级制度下的权利授受的周期很长,但绝对不是一个利益单方向流动的体系,因为单向流动与社会组织的根本原则相抵触。抗议各种“潜规则”不公的人其实是抗议这个利益循环周期太长,而想在较短的周期内实现自我利益的兑现,所谓“任人唯贤”(meritocracy)就是要将个人才能最快地转化成为现实利益。
        最后,回到前面对社会机构的分析:在这个“别有洞天”的社会机构生态系统里,以上的这些原则大致决定了系统里的角色的行为方式。但是,最大的前提是,必须有外部输送进来的利益,作为这个生态系统运行的原材料和原动力。直白地说,也就是外面要给系统一块大蛋糕,系统里面的人才能按照high table, low table, senior common room, junior common room这些规则来分蛋糕;外面要给一个球,系统里面的人才能按自己的规则踢。只要这个蛋糕/球一直源源不断地有,这个生态系统里面的既得利益者就会维护现有规则。当有一天蛋糕没有了,或者球从足球换成橄榄球,才可能让社会机构内部运行机制彻底大洗牌。
        只有当一个特定社会机构自成一体的运行严重威胁到整个社会的运行时,才可能发生转变。但是机构自成一体的运行对整个社会的运行的影响往往又不是完全负面的,就好比公款吃喝也让中国餐饮业大发展,创造了无数的就业,从某种程度上说也是维护了社会的运转。
        社会的运行和人在这运行中发挥的短暂功能,究其究竟,是无意义的。日本影片《砂之女》中有一个情节正可以用来做比喻:在沙漠的一个大坑里,住着一个人;每天,风把一定量的沙吹进坑里;坑里这个人每天铲沙,把那些吹进来的沙运出去,这样她的小房子不被覆盖;日复一日,年复一年,成为生命的全部内容。同理,社会的意义也在于不断地运转,别无其它;而社会上的个人在这个运行中发挥一点功能,换一口饭吃,赢得安身立命的一隅,转瞬即逝。当前对“中国模式”的信心就来源于似乎用与西方不同的方式也能够让社会运转下去这么一个观察;想改革中国运转方式的人必须从根本上证明中国目前的运转方式会出问题,而不是简单地借西方话语中的几面大旗(人权、名著、法治),说比中国优越;能否拿的出这些证据,就要看改革倡导者们的本事了!

Monday, 28 January 2013

The sand as a metaphor for the society. Watching the Japanese film The Woman of the Dunes (1964)



I must confess that I always watch black-and-white films with some pain and difficulty. If the film is primarily a visual art, which it undoubtedly is, then the primacy of colour and visual effects cannot be denied, and consequently it is perhaps not entirely unacceptable to profess a preference for the visual abundance and dynamism offered by the colourful cinema. The Woman of the Dunes (1964 砂の女) is a notable exception in this regard for me, as I seem to have enjoyed this one in spite of its black-whiteness.

    This is a film very rich in abstract metaphorism and symbolism, but which manages to be visceral and very sensually affective at the same time. There can be many competing interpretations of the film, but I personally suspect that the ‘traditional society vs modernity’ version is likely to be the most obvious and prominent. The woman who lives in the dunes is a martyr of the enclosed, self-sustaining traditional society, a sacrifice to the feudal values of patriarchy and rootedness. The Woman repeatedly refers to the outside world by invoking Tokyo, the symbol of burgeoning modernity in post-War Japan. The reference to the co-operative (組み合い) run by the village chiefs (all men) also hints to the survival struggle of rural, traditional community against the sweep of modernising forces.

     But what really sparked off in my mind was a slightly different interpretation, where the portrayal of the quality of sand is pivotal. After the entomologist has fallen into the trap set up by the villagers, he tries hard to climb out of the sand pit. But his efforts are in vain – sand does not support weights; it slides, it collapses, it flows almost like water. One cannot apply force to sand in order to ascend; but sand can bury, and kill, without a trace. At the end of the film, the entomologist is declared a missing person, and the outside world would have assumed that he has been gorged by the dunes. He ceases to exist, and his identity evaporates. This is exactly the working of the society.

     The sand is thus a perfect metaphor for the society itself. In front of the society, any personal struggle is in vain. You cannot apply force to the society; the harder you struggle, the worse the consequences. The society has an enormity – as reflected by the depiction of the dunes in the film which dries any last bit of hope – and a destructiveness that has no respect whatsoever for individuality or personality, just as the identity of the protagonist is eradicated.

     The hut in the sand pit, with a couple who did not come together by their volition, living a purposeless, repetitive life is a fitting metaphor for Life itself. The sand dunes are the society, they are shifting, but also eternal; you find a pit, built a makeshift hut, live with someone until you both die, that is life. When you die, someone else takes your place in the pit, live in the hut; or the sand will fill the pit, erasing any marks you’ve left behind you. The entomologist initially hopes to have his name entered into the Encyclopedia by discovering a rare species of insect in the desert, but he ends up in an identity-less life in the dunes…isn’t this the metaphor for all our lives? We try to achieve things, and leave marks in this world, to prove that we’ve been here, and that we’ve done x, y, z…but don't be stupid!

     The human condition could not have been better symbolised by the fact that in order to keep on living in their hut, the couple has to shovel sand out daily to keep themselves from being eventually buried under. ‘Isn’t this pointless’, asks the entomologist to the Woman. Exactly! It is pointless, but the greatest philosophical wisdom perhaps is realising life’s pointless and still living it earnestly. Religions around the world of all times have concocted all kinds of fanciful stories to mask over this essentially pointless life – that shovelling of sand out from one’s pit so that you can keep on doing exactly the same the next day – but that is not philosophy, that’s deception. To be truly philosophical is to know that the society is exactly like the sand, and that your duty in this transient passing-through is to keep on shovelling sand until you die, decompose, and become part of the eternal sand dunes.


Tuesday, 13 November 2012

Sumptuous Revolutionary Erotics - two films by Jiang Wen



(1) In the Heat of the Sun (1994)

“My stories always take place in the summer. In the heat of the sun, people were forced to reveal more of their bodies and it was more difficult to conceal their desires. In my memory, the Sun always shone brightly during this period, as if there were only one season: summer.”

An eroticized fantasy about China’s Cultural Revolution through the stories of a bunch of Beijing youths. An orgy of revolutionary aesthetics.

The English translation of the film’s original Chinese title (Yangguang Canlan de Rizi) does not quite capture the sentiment conveyed by the Chinese phrase, which is nostalgia, pretty much to the same tune of ‘good old days…’ Thus, contrary to the usual portrayal of the Cultural Revolution as the darkest moment in recent Chinese history, an interpretation that is deeply lodged in the Western mind as well as sanctioned by the official Chinese discourse, Jiang Wen, the film’s director and script writer, describes this period as an eternal summer that is sunny, passionate and sultry. Through the apparently trivial stories of a group of Beijing youths—set free from the authority due to the total societal chaos of the period—the film brings out to the fullest extent the sensuous and aesthetic aspects of The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Compared to many artistic representations that simply condemn the Cultural Revolution and Maoism in general, this film perhaps ironically provides one hint or two as to just why that traumatic experience took place, and why people were so deeply drawn into that collective frenzy.




(2) The Sun Also Rises (2007)

“If it’s not the hand that touched the buttocks, was it the buttocks that touched the hand?”

A visually seductive, sophisticated, but ultimately puzzling story about human desire set in the ‘red’ China under Mao.

In China, 1976 (the year of Mao’s death which also marks the end of the Cultural Revolution), a countryside youth (starring Jaycee Chan, son of Jackie Chan) lives with his ‘mad’ single mother, under the mystery about his father’s identity. Soon, a middle-aged urban intellectual is to be ‘sent down’ to this village to be ‘reformed’, bringing his own mystery past at a college, involving sex scandal, intrigue, and possibly murder. The two mysteries unfurl and intersect, and are finally ‘resolved’ when the story takes us back to 1958 (the year of the ‘Great Leap Forward’ movement). The non-linear and jumpy narrative makes the film puzzling at the odd places, but generally the theme of sexual desire looms large. Since desire is always depicted in its interaction with the socio-political, this film is also a vivid recapitulation of the social and political life in Mao’s China. Remarkably, while doing all these, the film manages to be quite funny and light-hearted at not a few places; and the soundtracks are superb too!

Though perhaps not as famous as some other Chinese heavyweight directors of recent times, Jiang Wen’s artistic achievement in this film is surely not inferior, and he remains a deeply interesting figure for his often romantic and nostalgic representation of Maoist China—it is said that he owns many portraits of Mao at home. This film of his is sophisticated and defies any simple reading, but watching it will very likely prove to be an enjoyable aesthetic and intellectual experience.

Monday, 8 October 2012

Millennium Actress (千年女優) and the Fantasy of Japan’s Destiny


 
 
One of Japan’s many remarkable contributions to world culture must be its animation (or ‘anime’). Not only is the Japanese anime industry of huge scale and its production of very high quality, it is often the cultural sophistication and imagery/imaginary sumptuousness of the anime productions that are truly amazing. Unsophisticated audience appreciates them sensuously—thus, generations of Chinese (and other nationalities too) youths grew up enthralled by Japanese amine series, knowing that their own country is incapable of producing anything that is even a hundredth as interesting as the Japanese stories. A Chinese boy probably first got to know about Greek mythology through Saint Seiya, just like he is also likely to have encountered Detective Conan before Sherlock Holmes or Agatha Christie. As a teenager, I marvelled at how the Japanese anime The Twelve Kingdoms (十二国記) appropriated ancient Chinese culture and language in such a phantasmagorical fashion that made me ashamed of the state of Chinese culture in China itself… But apart from the endless and awe-inspiring creativity of the Japanese when it comes to making serial anime stories, in this essay I am more concerned with the extent to which the Japanese has also been able to make anime a medium for more serious cinematic experiences. In other words, compared to any other countries, Japan probably has done much more to make anime films ‘proper’ films, which are in turn proper subjects for literary and socio-historical interpretations. Here, I focus on the 2001 anime film Millennium Actress (千年女優 MA), which I recently watched at Oxford’s Magdalen Film Society (praise be to the MFS, they really choose good films!).

    In China, the Japanese invasion during the WWII is a traumatic experience that is constantly reiterated and a ‘strategic’ wound that is frequently re-opened as need arises. The prevailing understanding is that Japan has never really repented for the war, and therefore it harbours militarist ambitions. In reality, however, although Japan did not and never will ‘repent’ in the fashion that the Chinese in their victim complex desires, the WWII is clearly an experience that is also painfully mulled over and agonized over by the Japanese themselves. In this regard, MA is similar to Grave of the Fireflies (蛍の墓, GF, 1988), as they both regret and condemn the war experience. But while GF is entirely set in the War and its primary topic is just the War, MA can be viewed as a more encompassing allegory of Japan’s agonizing search of destiny in the 20th/21st centuries.

    The word ‘Millennium’ in the film title has a threefold meaning, in and outside the film. The actress Chiyoko has played in roles that span over a millennium—thus, ‘Millennium Actress’; with the film being produced just at the turn of the 21st century, millennium also referred to the historical juncture at which the Actress Japan stood then; and finally, if we count Japan’s civilizational history from the time in which her culture really started to flourish—Heian Jidai—then Japan is also an actress that is just over a thousand years old. Therefore, it is not really a wild leap of imagination to read the story as really a story of Japan. The wild time travels and the enactment of various historical scenes and significant events in Japan’s history (though this tend to be social history) throughout the film makes this suggestion even more plausible.

    If we understand Chiyoko as really a stand-in for Japan herself, then the storyline immediately assumes a level of meaning deeper than just a sentimental tragic love tale. Throughout the story, Chiyoko keeps on searching for someone—the soldier/painter who she came across on a snowy day, fell in love with, but did not even see the face of. The soldier/painter accidentally left a key, and Chiyoko holds onto that key which she must return to its owner. The key becomes the ultimate signifier for its elusive owner, but we knew that the key was also supposed to open something. Yet, that something, just as the face and real identity of the soldier/painter, was never revealed. In other words, in the entire story, Chiyoko was chasing after a dream: an object of her love/desire that she doesn’t even know—nor do we—what is at all. But she knows that she had fallen in love with him, and that to find him and be with him was her destiny, and she would not settle for otherwise. She searches for a destiny that is obscure, unknown, but that is endlessly romantic. Let’s not beat about the bushes: Japan is searching for her destiny.

    There is one minor interesting point in the film that I think was really really clever, and made me admire this film more. In various flash-back sequences of Chiyoko’s acting, it is the earthquake that abruptly wakens us from the dreamy sequences, and returns us to the grim world of reality and real time. There is no better signifier that captures the tragedy of Japan as a nation better than the earthquake. Every time when Chiyoko and we as spectators are deeply engaged in her search for her desire/destiny, and when such searches seem to promise to turn up some positive results, the earthquake comes and shatters the fantasy. Japan, enchantingly beautiful as she is, is nevertheless plagued by that disease that seems to be a perpetual curse on her. March last year, the world over has seen how devastated an earthquake/tsunami has left the world’s second/third largest economy; but even without this, we also know that Tokyo is always preparing for a devastating earthquake that is bound to occur some time down the line. This curse from the nature regularly interrupts in Japan’s fantasizing about her destiny. She may be rich, she may be beautiful, she may be technologically-advanced and powerful, but it probably only takes a huge earthquake for everything to be completely nullified again. Her destiny is in constant jeopardy; and it is this kind of fundamental anxiety that has produced doomsday films such as Japan Sinks (日本沈没2006)—nothing very complicated about this.  

    Apart from recapitulating Japan’s historical experience through Chiyoko’s acting in various old Japanese eras and scenarios, what’s also interesting is Japan’s more recent fantastic ambitions that are illustrated in two of her flashback sequences: the one with Chiyoko sitting in a western horse-drawn carriage, and the spaceship launch episode. For me, these are allusions to Japan’s fascination with the West (西洋) and its ambition in technological or even military supremacy. And both these two aspects of fantasy had also been the true experience of Japan in the 19th and 20th century. Setting Chiyoko’s theatrical endeavours not only in historical Japan but also in these two frames declares beyond any doubt the allegorical relationship between Chiyoko and Japan.

    So finally, what is Chiyoko/Japan’s destiny? Near the end of the film, on the snowy hills in Hokkaido, Chiyoko finds not the soldier/painter, but only the painting he has left. The painting in fact paints nothing else than where Chiyoko actually stands at that moment—snowy hills. Thus, the painting does not give any fresh clues to Chiyoko as to the whereabouts of the soldier/painter/destiny, but only refers to her present agony; it only refers to itself. Destiny again escapes Chiyoko/Japan, and she despairs.

    The one detail that was not revealed to Chiyoko but revealed to us the audience was the fact that the soldier/painter was killed long ago in Manchuria. It would be too harsh a fact for Chiyoko to know—she has in fact for all her life been looking for someone/something that has long been irrevocably lost! But the message for us can’t be clearer: the life-loving soldier/painter who did not want to go to war in Manchuria/China was forced to go, and killed. In other words, Japan’s destiny was already lost when she went into that war—an unjustifiable war. After the WWII, no destiny was possible for Japan. The search for Japan’s destiny will just be like Chiyoko’s fantasies—only after an object of desire that is not only unknown/unknowable but also already lost.

Tuesday, 5 June 2012

Several cynical rules of the academic world—regarding conference presentations


RULE 1. These days, in a given academic conference held in an English-speaking country, it is more likely than not that half of the conference speakers are non-native English speakers.
RULE 1.1 Among the non-native English speakers, at least one is likely to be from China who speaks such poor English that s/he becomes the pain of the conference; since this Chinese person is likely to be a man, the category that he represents may be conveniently called ‘the China-man at the conference’.

RULE 2. Subject to only a few insignificant contingent factors, most presentations, regardless of their quality/delivery, are generally likely to receive equal amount of responses in the Q&A session, although if the paper is abstract/conceptual/high-theoretical beyond a point, the amount of responses significantly drops.
Explanatory note 1. Due to the nature of their profession, academics are generally congenial animals who rely on each other for their self-esteem. The rule of reciprocity and karma prevails here.
Explanatory note 2. If one’s presentation is very shallow and stupid, listeners will show not the slightest slight, and will rally around by asking basic factual or comparative questions (e.g. 'In which year were the figures released?' or 'I wonder if you have any insights into the comparative situation in X country?') which are easy to answer.
Explanatory note 3. If one’s presentation sounds incomprehensibly sophisticated and therefore devastatingly impressive, the speaker’s oral pleasure is highly alloyed, because: firstly, there will not be many listeners who would ask questions for the fear of appearing stupid, and secondly, even when some listeners do ask factual/basic questions out of courtesy, the speaker feels that s/he is not addressed at the level of intellectual depth or height s/he deserves. In this case, it is always an unwholesome situation.
RULE 2.1 Given the above reasoning, it may be concluded that like any other form of sociality, academic sociality also punishes outliers and reinforces norm.

RULE 3. The more primitive your manner and technology of presentation, the more readily it is to come across as intellectually heavy-weight.
Explanatory note. PowerPoint presentation slides with animation and sound effects belong to undergraduate students; PowerPoint presentation slides with photos and text quotations belong to Masters and doctoral students; a theory-oriented sophisticated academic tends to do away with visual aids, and to read from a few unstapled pages, while leaving the last presenter’s final ppt slide still on the screen; and a true philosopher’s equipment should be one page of scribbles and a pipe dangling between his lips.
Revelatory note. Dense theoretical discourse stripped of all aids for cognition—and therefore most hostile to comprehension—demands rigorous and vigorous cerebral powers from the audience; the speaker knows this, and knows that the listeners know this; and by assuming such powers are with his listeners, the speaker asserts his superiority most aggressively.

RULE 4. In a similar logic with RULE 3, in order to convey a sense of academic gravitas and intellectual authority, one should do away with all forms of verbal formalities and frills.
Explanatory notes.
    If you want to sound like an utter novice, you can say ‘I’m honoured to be invited to present at this conference…’ at the beginning of your presentation; you can only do worse than this by saying the same in a thick Chinese accent.
    On the contrary, if you want to assert your superiority, you can start your presentation without any preambles, and plunge yourself and your audience directly in the deep end.
'Say what you are going to say, say it, and say what you have just said’ are undergraduate level effective communication cliché; instead, you should adopt a linear or even circuitous narrative that requires the audience to figure out the logics and connections in your talk, if there are any in the first place. If there aren’t any, don’t worry, you will sound brilliant.
    Instead of saying ‘let me conclude...’ or things along that line at the end of your presentation, you can say ‘let me leave it there’, or ‘and that’s where I’d like to leave it’; and emphatically, you should not feel obliged to say ‘thank you’—only junior year undergraduate students speaking English as a second language have been taught to say ‘thank you for your attention’.

RULE 5. During the Q&A session, do not ask the questioner to further clarify their question—you will be wasting everybody’s time, including that of the questioners.
Explanatory note. In the case the questioner was not able to articulate her question or did not understand your presentation at all, you may either quietly ignore her question, or catch the key word(s) in the question and say something about it as you wish.

Thursday, 9 February 2012

A Theory of happiness: Mundane Happiness = Time x Space


The mundane happiness in life is a function of a specific multiplicitous relationship between time and space. By mundane happiness I refer to that realm of feelings and sensations without the dramatics of life such as deaths, disasters, grave illness or marriage, childbirths etc.

In other words, I propose that time and space are co-determinants of the sense of being mundanely happy in life.

Life in Nordic countries such as Norway, Denmark and Sweden are often said to be the happiest on earth, and the explanation, according to my formula, is that people there have plenty of space as well as time. This is self-evident from the fact that these are sparsely populated wealthy welfare states.

England/UK shares some but much pared down characters of these countries, and that explains my feeling of being generally happy there, despite its foreignness.

Life in Asia, which may be well-represented by that of Hong Kong or Singapore, is in general very unhappy, because of the lack of space and time in people's lives.

Mao wanted China to have a large population, as did Lee more recently want for Singapore. Both succeeded. India, Indonesia, Philippines, Vietnam...all these are countries of very high population densities. Given this, the mundane happiness of Asia hinges on the second factor on the right side of the equation. And there is bad news here too.

Despite the increasing prosperity of Asia, people no longer have any time. They are too embroiled in working (production) and enjoying life (consumption) that there's no time left, and life becomes stressful. Taking holidays, as contemporary individuals ritualistically do, is no longer an act of leisure and sign of having time. It is nowadays almost a compulsory activity or, an obligation, that actually brings people stress.

Truly 'having time' is not measured by whether or not, or how much leisure activities you engage in. As Baudrillard has shown, consumption of leisure is merely another form of production, and fundamental to the productive system which is responsible for our unhappiness in the first place.

Instead, truly having time is the luxury of having no worry about one's future, of having no anxiety, and having peace. Most individuals in Asia have no time (1) either because they are too worried about their material survival that they have to spend all their time securing one, (2) or they are too fixated on a better (than Thou) future that they spend all their time striving at one. Increasing population in Asia are shifting from the from type (1) having no time to type (2). Most Southeast Asian countries are predominantly type (1), China is in the process of tipping from type (1) to type (2). Singapore and Hong Kong are predominantly type (2) unhappiness. The deliberate lack of welfarism in these countries is justified in the name of continual economic growth, as is official discourse in Singapore. The logic is, if we make people happy, they will actually be happy, and that cannot be allowed to happen, because the administrators have decided that if unhappiness=growth, then happiness=recession.

Hong Kong and Singapore, being city state/entities, are purer in naturea and thus easier to characterise. China, although vast, but due to the population scale, is also almost uniform. Otherwise, in a country of some variation in terms of distribution of economic activities and population, there will be happiness variations within a country. Good example, Japan. In its large cities, there is a pervasive type (2) unhappiness that is of the same essence with HK or SG. In Japan's suburbs or rural areas, however, the happiness approaches that of Nordic countries.